The Labour Market For Noise-Makers

Greetings. It is two years since the advent of Covid-19. The pandemic swept the globe and changed the way we work, consume, and travel, among other things. In the entertainment sphere, bars and night clubs were closed for extensive periods, resulting in a revision of the way night life was conducted. On this Labour Day, I move to examine some aspects of the labour market in the entertainment industry.

Unemployment in Uganda

With a population of 45.7 million, Uganda's labour force stands at 16.497 million people according to the World Bank data. Therefore, the economy has a 70.94% labour participation rate - the proportion of the labour force that is working or actively looking for productive work. Comparing across the region, Uganda is two percentage points above the sub-Saharan African average, and behind four of it's six neighbours. Despite a relatively high participation rate, wages remain low as well as limited benefits and social protection from employment.

COUNTRY	POPULATION	LABOUR FORCE	PARTICIPATION RATE (%)
Uganda	45.741	16.497	70.94
Burundi	11.890	5.089	80.00
D.R. Congo	89.561	31.465	64.07
Kenya	53.771	24.134	74.56
Rwanda	12.952	6.440	84.08
Tanzania	59.734	28.002	84.52
Sub-Saharan Africa	1,136.046	430.661	68.37

The government has long posited that encouraging "job-creators" rather than "job-seekers" goes a long way in curbing unemployment, particularly youth unemployment. Not entirely wrong, for I believe focusing on non-traditional professions can reduce on the number of job-seekers. If youths can find opportunities in fields like sports and entertainment, then the pressure on those knocking on the door in both formal and informal employment will simmer down. An added bonus is the fact that in these fields the workers are more likely to be getting paid for doing something they love.

Pension in the Noise-Making Industry?

"Noise-making", or work in the entertainment industry is something people can be very effective at during their youth. The conveyor belt keeps refreshing the faces in the industry with particular preference for young people. Therefore, the "forcible" retirement age in the entertainment industry is way below that of the civil servants and private sector employees. Planning for a life after work becomes more pressing for people in the entertainment industry. Given there are limited formal contracts, it is safe to say there is no pension plan in the entertainment industry, and each one individually has to carve out one for themselves. The Covid-19 pandemic more than any other factor brought this to light.

Long before the pandemic, Hon. Kyagulanyi had set up his One Love Beach in Busaabala as a recreation centre that can generate him income outside of music. As a former Member of Parliament, he is guaranteed to receive a stipend from the Parliamentary Pension Scheme.

The emergence of Kyagulanyi on the political scene cast an eye on the entertainment industry. It is important to note that entertainers had ventured into politics before him, i.e., Kato Lubwama defeated seasoned politician Ken Lukyamuzi to represent Rubaga South. However, whereas Lubwama was a comedian and radio host, Kyagulanyi's music had evolved from pure entertainment to educational, and he was pulling big crowds mainly made up of the youths. For the PR machine of NRM, it made sense to bring artists to the NRM fold in a bid to sway some of that youth support their way. 

Unfortunately, the method of distributing cash transfers to some of the artists has made them dependent on the largesse of NRM rather than curtailing Kyagulanyi's support. Begging the government for handouts as a pension plan for the entertainment industry has risen to an art form! One week the artists were travelling to Gulu to request for patronage from the president's brother, another week there was a comedian's association seeking to make contact with Balaam and Mama Fina, and then the DJs were calling out for support not long after!

With the full reopening of the market, the entertainment industry is envisaged to return to its former highs. For an industry that has the potential to provide alternative sources of income to many, it is important the lessons from Covid-19 are taken into consideration on an individual basis. 

Ceteris. Paribus.

References

Batambuze, C., (23rd October 2021). "What artistes, Saleh, reaped from Gulu gold rush," in The Daily Monitor. Retrieved 14th April 2022.

Owiny, T.J., & P. Kalokwera, (14th August 2021). "Gen.Saleh enters music industry, sparks off fights," in The Daily Monitor. Retrieved 14th April 2022.

Blaming The Baganda

Greetings. A week ago, the Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo publicly apologised for his attacks on the Baganda and the Kabaka. Justice Owiny-Dollo had made claims that the protests outside Hon. Jacob Oulanya's hospital were organised by Buganda. This new wave of Buganda bashing has been led by Norbert Mao, who feels the National Unity Platform (NUP) party and the People Power movement are Buganda loyalist factions aimed at perpetuating the interests of the ancient kingdom. Both Mao and Owiny-Dollo are of Acholi descent, and their criticism of Baganda is a continuation of accusations of tribalism levelled against the Baganda, which the president has also contributed to. Are there lessons to be gleaned from the recent Buganda bashing?

The "First" Autocrat

As with most ethnic societies, the origin story of Buganda is wrapped up in legend and myth. But quite often myths have a root in actual historical events. Records on Ganda history agree on five original clans, Bannansangwawo, which were Ffumbe, Lugave, Ngeye, Nyonyi Nyange, and Njaza. Each clan was headed by a Mutaka. Some Bataka would prove to be militarily stronger than the rest and thus emerge as a assort of primus inter pares. However, as it so happens in some cases a powerful leader would turn into a despot. Bemba was such a leader at the time of Kintu's migration to Buganda.

Bemba was a ruthless ruler and one of the legends portrays him as a snake! Desirous of change, the subjects chose to align with Kintu's forces to put an end to Bemba's reign. Kintu would be elevated as Kabaka and establish the governance system that would build Buganda.

Much as Buganda patriotism portrays an unbroken dynasty from Kintu to the present king, there are at least three dynastic eras. The Kintu dynasty  ended with the death of his son, whose heir, Kalemeera, had been exiled in Bunyoro. Kimera, son of Kalemeera, migrated to Buganda and established a new dynasty. The third dynasty is hinted upon by MSM Kiwanuka, who posits that "the most important result of Nakibinge's death was that it seems to have ended the previous dynasty and thereby created a succession crisis for Buganda". Mulondo, who succeeded Nakibinge, began the current dynasty.

Nevertheless, all this proves that even prior to the advent of western-style democracy, the Baganda were well-versed with the revolving door on dynastic rule.

The Modern Day

In 2021, upon clinching his latest term, the President wasted no time in asserting that tribalism had a bearing on the outcome of the election (which he had just won). His argument ignored the fact that NUP fielded two candidates with roots outside Buganda for Kampala seats (Shamim Malende and Derrick Nyeko) and swept those seats, or the fact that NUP won seats in Busoga as well. The Buganda region voted overwhelmingly for NUP, ousting NRM bigwigs like Chrysostom Miyingo, Vincent Ssempijja, Judith Nabakooba, Edward Sekandi and Amelia Kyambadde, with the latter two ending their political careers as a result.

If one can just rig votes in the rest of the regions, it begs a question of why would one be bothered with one's dwindling support in the central region? 

For one, the Buganda Kingdom structures provide an interesting parallel to their central government counterparts.  When one is appointed Minister in the Kabaka's government or Omwami ow'e Saza, it is an honour to serve their king. For the central government appointments on the other hand, it is your time to eat! The kingdom structures might have their challenges but no other traditional society has managed to mobilise its people and resources on a similar scale, with other cultural leaders waiting on handouts from the central government. The example set by the Baganda brings to light the benefits of a more decentralised outlook on government, which is antithetic to those who believe power should be vested in one authority. In reality, what we are blaming Buganda for is proving that there is an alternative way of doing things.

Furthermore, the Baganda have come to serve as a memory bank, especially on aggressive rule. They witnessed the ruthlessness of Bemba. The 16th century wars against Olimi I of Bunyoro nearly brought the kingdom to an end but they rose from the ashes and expanded to annex Buddu, Kyaggwe and Kooki. From colonialism through all the post-independence regimes, the Baganda (and Ugandans at large) have lived through those difficult times. When you map out a 40-year reign across a 1000-year history, that's barely 5% of the life time of the kingdom. Understandably when that reign ends they won't remember it fondly, and no amount of PR will hide that fact. 

In contrast to Gaius Caesar's Veni, Vidi, Vici maxim, autocrats in Uganda come, Baganda see them, and they (despots) leave! They did survive Bemba after all. 

Buganda ku ntiko. Kati nga silaba wofudde?! 😕 https://t.co/n919pqixeZ

— MITTI 🛌 (@michealjamesM) March 12, 2022

Ceteris. Paribus.

References

Kitakule, D.W. ‘Basekabaka Abataano Abasooka Kintu’ [The five pre-Kintu Kings], Ebifa (1907-10).

Kizito, Tobi W. ‘The History of the Pre-Kintu Period, and the origins of Kintu’ in Munno, 1915 and 1916

Kiwanuka, M. S. (1972). A History of Buganda from the Foundation of the Kingdom to 1900. Holmes & Meier Pub. Chapter 4: The Expansion of Buganda

Onyango-Obbo, C. ‘Buganda's Political 'sins' and its punishment’ in The Daily Monitor, 30th March 2022.